Of this manner, the PCE remained inserted clearly in a ghetto, therefore the principal objective of the communist policy was that of their/its/your/his authorization. When Pulley knew that the rest of the opposition probably it was not going to risk what had obtained already so that is legalized to the PCE, attempted to force the step. Was living surreptitiously in Madrid, therefore it summoned a prey conference 10 of December, that was as a provocation, though their/its words were conciliadoras. Let to glimpse that, if were permitted PCE to participate in the elections, their/its/your/his party would collaborate in the elaboration of a social contract that permitted confront the economic crisis. Given the communist influence in CC.OO. and given the fact of the fact that the dissatisfaction of the working class was one of the reasons by those which even the franquistas had envisaged the need of reforms, were tried, evidently, to a meaningful offer. Pulley was stopped but it was freed eight days after. If it might not have been freed would have remained damaged the liberal credibility of Suárez. The Pulley release was one of the most important steps in favor of the authorization of the PCE.
While it were accelerated the progress of the democratization, the desperation of the búnker were gone agudizando. Immediately after that Suárez hiciese their/its/your/his first referring statement to their/its/your/his commitment with the change, had begun an attempt very well orquestado to destabilize to Spain according to the action lines of the extreme straight in South America and in Italy.
A presumed Marxist group - leninistra divided, the GRAPO, infiltrated or manipulated by the right and by elements of the policeman, began their/its/your/his activity with an attempts campaign with pumps, to happen then, after that the referendum had demonstrated that was existing a massive popular support to the change, to the kidnapping of prominent two figures of the establishment, the president of the Council of the Kingdom and the president of the Supreme Court of Military Justice. 24 of January of 1977, terrorist of ultraderecha murdered to five persons, of those which four were attorneys laboralistas communist, in the street Atocha.
The PCE made a call to the serenity and organized a gigantic solidarity deployment, in silence, during the funerals of the victims. The demonstration of the force and discipline of the PCE not only impressed to Suárez personally, but large part of the popular hostility to the authorization of the party was vanished before their/its/your/his response autocontrolada to the tragedy. A leaders delegation of the opposition negotiated with Suárez and, in exchange for performance promises against the violence of the búnker, offered a statement conjunta government - opposition denouncing the terrorism and making a call to the people so that supported to the Government. It was one of the greater victories of Suárez. Not only their/its/your/his popular support was seen reinforced, but received the left as belonging the democratic force from the nation.
In February gave I start the authorization process of the political party. The greater reef was representing it the PCE. For the búnker and the army, the authorization of the communism was meaning to throw by the hut that therefore they had combatted from 1936. On the other hand, Suárez must be in agreement with the opposition in which the democracy podría be completed were excluded a party of the importance of the PCE. Furthermore, so much he as the other party were relying in which, to have arrived with lag to the palaestra, the PCE would would have of a smaller popular support of the that was waiting.
27 of February Suárez was already prepared to deal with Pulley. In exchange for the authorization, Pulley accepted to recognize the monarchy, adopted the monarchic flag and offered their/its/your/his cooperation to arrive to a future social agreement. To refresh the report to the Government on the capacity of the PCE for organziar an international scandal if was remaining excluded of the elections, 2 of Pulley March made of host in the Hotel Meliá - Castille, of Madrid, upon receiving Berlinger and Marchais, that went to attend a communist summit. 9 of April, when most of the political elite and soldier were found outside of Madrid by the Holy Week vacation, Suárez announced the authorization of the PCE.
This drove to the last and more serious crisis in the road toward the democracy. The admiral Gabriel Aloe gives Veiga, Navy minister, presented the resignation as protest by the authorization. It is rumoreó that the Aviation ministers and of the Army and certain number of important warlords had resigned also. Certainly, the hostility of the army against Suárez will be since then a fact, and, as will show the events of 1981, never will reduce. The Council superior of the Army encased the news of the authorization with a reticent discipline demonstration and patriotism. The King and Nicked Gutiérrez had of working hard to contain the crisis.
With a spirit something alarmed, the commission conjunta of the opposition and of the government elaborated an electoral law. The campaign was developed in a popular holiday atmosphere, that recalled to many the advent of the second republic in 1931. The cartels, the mítines and the television programs carried the campaign until a number surprisingly high of Spanish. Voted eighteen million of persons, almost a 80 for 100 of all the electorate, and approximately a 90 for 100 of this voted clearly for the change.
The Franc regime arrived actually to their/its/your/his end 15 of July of 1977. The end had been near during many years, but had lacked the method. The growing decrepitude of the system franquista had been something obvious during years: from the last sixty, a number every time greater than ancient franquistas began to be given account of this. And began a two-way process. For a part, is hcieron various efforts to adapt the franquismo to the new circumstances without changing them fundamentally. Solís, Teamster and Arias attempted it, one after other, and one after other sank before the opposition of the búnker and before the own instincts substantially franquistas. For the other, the repeated failures in accomplishing the reform convinced increasingly wide sectors of the economic oligarchy, of the liberal monarchists and, sometimes, of the franquista intelligent, of the fact that their/its/your/his survival was depending on the change.
Thus, the ideals of the opposition, fed from 1939, finished being shared, even though in a way moderate, by some of their/its enemies of long ago. What was lacking was a method by the one which could be carried to end the transition of the dictatorship to the democracy without blood spilling. In 1976 seemed still as if the confrontation would be unavoidable. If this was not thus, one must to attribute it to the ability of Adolfo Suárez, al value and to the decision of the King Juan Carlos, to the prudence and moderation displayed by Felipe González, Santiago Pulley and other directing of the opposition, to the forty struggle years of the opposition to maintain in foot the democratic and live ideas the ideals, and above all, to the good sense of the great majority of the Spanish people.
